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History / Taariikh

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Donald John Trump oo sideeddii November 2016 loo doortay inuu noqdo madaxweynaha Mareykanka ayaa maanta xilkaas si rasmi ah u qaban doona marka la dhaariyo.

Haddaba maxaynu ka naqaanaa taariikhda ninka noqonaya madaxweynaha rasmiga ah ee Maraykanka, magacaasi oo noqonaya martabad rasmi ah loogu yeero ahna xil awood sare leh.

Wariyaha VOA-da Faith Lapidus ayaa warbixintan soo dirtay, Ibrahim Xasan Daandurey ayaa inoo soo koobaya.

Dhageyso ====>>>Dorashada Trump

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Farewell Speech

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Watch President Obama’s full farewell Speech 09/01/2017

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Somalia could be categorised as a failed state today, but 44 years ago it mediated in a peace deal to prevent Uganda and her southern neighbour Tanzania from going to war.
Then Somalia president Siad Barre brokered a regional peace deal that delayed the war from breaking out, by about five years.
Then president Idi Amin was responding to the invasion by pro-Milton Obote forces who had bases in Tanzania. The invasion was short lived as the invaders were pushed out of Uganda.

Background 
The Uganda Argus newspaper of September 17, 1972, reported that at least 1,000 ‘Tanzanian troops’ had invaded the country, reaching 100 miles away from the capital, Kampala. They overran Kyotera, Kakuto and Kalisizo towns.
A strong response from the Amin government followed the attack. It started off by blaming the British government of supporting the invaders, before arresting a number of British nationals in Uganda.
According to The Keesing’s Contemporary Archives volume 18 of November 1972, “After arresting a number of British nationals by police, the government appealed to both the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and to Dr Kurt Waldheim, the UN Secretary General, to intervene against unprovoked aggression.”
The same publication goes on to state that on the same day, September 17, 1972, in Tanzania an official statement was issued by government saying, “forces of a people’s army inside Uganda had taken over a military camp at Kisenyi and seized a large quantity of arms.”
However, in the same statement the commander of the Tanzanian People’s Defence Forces (TPDF), Maj Gen Mrisho Sarakikya, denied that Tanzanian troops were involved in the operations. Though there were reports in Tanzania that a group of Ugandan dissidents fighting against the Ugandan Army had taken a military garrison.
A day after the invasion, government troops managed to retake the towns lost to the invaders. 
On September 18, 1972, Radio Uganda announced that among those arrested during the invasion included three former Ugandan Army officers and two civilians. Among those captured were Wilfred Odong, Picho Ali and another only identified as Capt Oyile.
Having suspected British involvement in the raid, a Ugandan Defence Council meeting resolved that Amin removes all Asians and Europeans from the security forces with immediate effect, for they could not be trusted.
The Time newspaper of London reported the next day that “Nine British nationals, including nine journalists have been arrested by the police. Among those arrested include children and women”.
The Keesing’s Contemporary Archives further says while meeting diplomats from the Organisation of African Union to brief them about the invasion, Amin said: “Uganda had been attacked by 1,500 men, including Tanzanian soldiers, supporters of ex-president Obote and Israeli mercenaries.”
“Captain Oyile had admitted that there were guerrilla camps at Bukoba and Tabora (in Tanzania), where between 1,000 and 1,500 men were being trained.”
Despite having retaken the towns from the invaders, the Ugandan Air Force continued bombing Bukoba in Tanzania, prompting the Tanzanian government to move its 4th battalion from Tabora, supported by a mortar company from Musoma, towards the Uganda boarder to stop Ugandan troops from crossing into their country. 
After the Bukoba air attacks, Tanzanian president Julius Nyerere sent a telegram to King Hassan of Morocco, then chairman of the OAU, protesting against the attacks.
According to the Daily Telegraph newspaper of September 17, 1972, the British government reacted to Amin’s allegation through the junior minister for foreign and Commonwealth affairs, Lady Priscilla Tweedsmuir, who told the House of Lords that: “The allegation that Britain was deeply involved in the situation in Uganda had been repeated in an indirect message from the Ugandan Foreign ministry.”
She reiterated that the British government “had no prior knowledge of operations then taking place in southwest Uganda, was not involved in any way in their planning or execution, and certainly had no plans of invading Uganda”. 
Towards the end of the month, the Sudanese government intercepted five Libyan Air Force planes carrying officers, arms and ammunition to Uganda. They were forced to land at Khartoum airport. 
It should be remembered that Obote had just left Sudan three months earlier to go to Tanzania. Tripoli tricked Khartoum that they had recalled their planes back home but they instead flew to Entebbe. 
The Keesing’s Contemporary Archives says Sudanese president Gaafar Nemery declared “that he supported Uganda’s right to defend her sovereignty but hoped that this would be done without armed conflict.”

Foreign mediation 
As Amin was looking for support, the OAU started a diplomatic solution to prevent the conflict from escalating into a full-blown war. The Organisation’s secretary general, Nzo Ekangaki, and the Somalia government led the quest for a peaceful resolution to the conflict.
Ekangaki first approached then Kenyan president Jomo Kenyatta to mediate. According to Kenyan Newspaper Daily Nation of September 22, 1972, then Kenyan minister for power and communication Ronald Ngala announced, “We are friendly to both nations. Whatever is going on between them, Kenya will not get involved.”
With Kenya refusing to mediate, three other heads of state, included Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, presidents Houari Boumedienne and Sekou Toure of Algeria and Guinea respectively all expressed readiness to be associated with the initiative.
Egyptian president at the time Anwar Sadat met Tanzanian foreign minister John Malecela, who requested him to send a diplomatic delegation to Uganda to seek a peaceful resolution to the conflict.
It was, however, reported in Kenyan media that presidents Amin and Nyerere had agreed to an interim cease-fire, with Uganda promising to stop bombing Tanzanian towns and Tanzania undertaking to withdraw its forces from the border.
Then Somali president Siad Barre drafted a five-point peace plan which was presented to the two presidents by the Somali foreign minister Omar Arteh Ghalib. 
American newspaper New York Times of September 24, 1972, reported that the plan had the following questions, “Would Uganda halt its bombing and land attacks if it were assured by Tanzania that it would not be attacked by Tanzanian troops or pro-Obote guerrillas? Would Tanzania, given an assurance that the Ugandan Army would not attack it, undertake not to attack Uganda? If so, would Tanzania withdraw its troops from the frontier? Would Tanzania also withdraw the pro-Obote fighters from the border? Would Tanzania oppose subversive activities threatening a neighbouring state?”
After receiving the draft plan, Amin warned the guerrillas in the border towns of Mutukula and Kikagati to withdraw. Despite agreeing on the peace plan, the threat and accusation of aggression against each other persisted. 
Just two days after Amin had agreed on the peace plan, he accused Zambia, Tanzania and India of planning to attack Uganda. 
The Keesing’s Contemporary Archives says Amin’s comments followed the visit of presidents Kenneth Kaunda and Varahagiri Venkata Giri of Zambia and India respectively to Tanzania. 
The Cape Times newspaper of South Africa on September 28, 1972, quoted the Indian government spokesperson saying “that Indian involvement is a mischievous and fantastic rumour without any foundation whatsoever”.
In a presidential press statement aired on Radio Uganda on September 28, 1972, Amin accused Tanzanian of carrying out another invasion in which a number of attackers were arrested in Mutukula. 
Among those captured was Alex Ojera who was a former minister of Information and Broadcasting. 
The following day, Ojera was paraded before diplomats, including OAU secretary general Ekangaki who had come to Kampala on a peace mission. 
Mogadishu peace accord
The talks in Mogadishu, the Somali capital, were scheduled to start on September 27. It involved foreign minister of Uganda Wanume Kibedi, his Tanzanian counterpart John Malecela, Somalia’s Omar Arteh Ghalib, the OAU secretary general, among others. 
However, they were delayed until October 2, 1972. The Ugandan and Tanzanian foreign ministers met the Somali president who told them that the conflict between their two countries was nothing but a colonialist conspiracy aimed at weakening African unity.
On October 5, 1972, after two days of talks, Kibedi, Malecela and Arteh in the presence of Ekangaki, signed an agreement which was published simultaneously in Dar-es-Salaam, Kampala and Mogadishu on October 7, 1972.
Previously Siad Barre had paid a visit to Dar-es-Salaam on October 6, 1972, and Kampala the following day. 
During the visit to Uganda, Amin named a road after Siad Barre in honour of his efforts to end the conflict between Uganda and Tanzania.
The peace agreement required the two countries to withdraw their forces at least six miles away from their borders. 
This was supposed to come into effect by October 9, 1972. A team of Somali peace observers would be deployed on the borders of the two countries to observe the withdrawal.
The peace accord also required both countries to stop harbouring subversive elements on their areas that cross into the other’s territory and to end all hostilities. Both countries were also required to return all the properties they captured from each other during the conflict. 
On October 11, 1972, Amin announced that his troops had withdrawn six miles from the border and that fighting had ceased. A day later the Tanzanian Defence minister Edward Sokoine announced the withdrawal of the TPDF from the border area. 
The Obote loyalists who had participated in the invasion were relocated deep inside northern Tanzania. 
A former member of the Kikosi Maalum says they concentrated in the areas of Tabora where they went into Tobacco growing and charcoal burning from 1972 until 1978 when they were mobilised for the final battle that deposed Amin.

 

 

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Ilhan Omar made history Tuesday night as the nation’s first Somali-American legislator, with a commanding win in a state House race. Omar, who faced only nominal Republican opposition in a heavily DFL Minneapolis district, continues an unlikely political journey that began amid the Somali civil war and a Kenyan refugee camp.

“It’s the beginning of something new,” Omar said. “This district has a legacy of making history. I am excited for our progressive values and to be able to be on the ground at the Capitol representing the diverse people of my district and being a champion with them and for them.”

Omar, a 34-year-old Muslim-American woman who proudly wears the hijab, is suddenly thrust into leadership of a rapidly emerging DFL coalition that is younger, more urban and more racially and ethnically diverse than at any time in its history.

House Minority Leader Paul Thissen said Omar’s victory is a statement about the state’s future: “It says something important about the future of Minnesota, and what it means to be a Minnesotan.”

 Omar, who is also director of policy at Women Organizing Women Network — a group dedicated to pushing East African women into civic leadership — is credited with being a talented organizer and leader of a multiracial coalition that includes Minneapolis progressives. That in turn helped her defeat Rep. Phyllis Kahn — the House’s longest serving member — in a three-way DFL primary that included another formidable Somali-American opponent.

Omar’s nascent political career hit an almost immediate snag, however, just days after the primary victory, when questions arose about her marital status. She lives with Ahmed Hirsi, the father of her three children, but is legally married to another man, with whom she says she is in divorce proceedings.

Conservative websites have speculated that the legal marriage was to her brother for the purpose of committing immigration fraud. Omar declined interviews during the media maelstrom this summer, instead releasing a statement saying there was no immigration fraud, but a more conventional story about trouble in her relationship with Hirsi, which has since resolved itself.

Omar said the district has rallied around her in the face of the scrutiny.

She said her family has remained steadfastly with her, and alleged the marriage story was a “political con” meant to derail the progress of the kinds of people she will represent, including the Somali-American community.

“I feel like I have answered all of the questions — mostly rumors — in the statements that I have put out,” she said.

DFL leaders have stood by her, and local supporters remain committed as ever.

Hodan Adan, a mom who lives in the district and an Omar supporter, said an East African Muslim woman at the Capitol will inspire other women in the Somali émigré community, who are working hard to find their niche in Minnesota.

“We’re a minority in this country,” Adan said. “I am glad we see a role model for many women and students. I want a woman and someone from our community to win.”

Omar’s story is just the latest in a long line of oppressed people coming to the United States, grabbing hold of the country’s democratic levers and demanding equality and opportunity — mirroring the journey of Irish, Jewish and other immigrant groups.

She immigrated to the United States as a preteen, knowing only a few words of English, living with her family in Minneapolis’ Cedar-Riverside area. They escaped the Somali civil war when she was 8 and spent four years in a Kenyan refugee camp.

She will face significant challenges in St. Paul, where a closely divided House filled with long-serving members will require coalitions with suburban and rural members, including Republicans, if she is to move legislation. Omar said she wants to help women entrepreneurs, pursue criminal justice reform and ensure clean air and water.

Omar said her victory is evidence that she can break barriers: “Throughout this campaign those divisions have started to melt away. People are starting to see themselves as part of a community.”

StarTribune

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Maanta oo ah 12-ka Oktoober ayaa ku beegan sannad guuraddii 62 aad ee helida Astaanta ama CALANKA Qaranka Soomaaliyeed. Maalintan ayeysan qiimaheeda dad badan oo Soomaali ah aysan la socon, taasi oo ay sabab u tahay sida ay u wiiqantay Wadanimadii Soomaaliyeed.

Calanka Waxaa la sameeyey Taariikhdu markay ahayd 12kii Oktober 1954tii, waxaana sameeyey ilaahay ha u naxriistee marxuum Maxamed Cawaale Libaan.

Alla ha u naxriistee Maxamed Cawaale Libaan oo ahaa nin wadani ah ayaa in badan oo Shacabka Soomaaliyeed ah aysan aqoon magaciisa iyo waliba Muuqaalkiisa, waana ninka Sawirkan ka muuqda.

Marxuumka ayaa markii u sameeyey Calanka wuxuu dood dheer la galay dad badan oo ayagu su’aalo ka weydiiyey astaamaha calanka, waxayna dooda ugu weyn ka imaaneysay dhanka Gumeystayaashii oo ayagu markii hore diiday Calanka Buluuga ah.

Maxamed Cawaale Liibaan illaahay Janadiisa haka waraabiyee wuxuu ahaa nin ay ku weyntahay isla markaana aad u qiimeeya Walaaltinimada ummada Soomaaliyeed ee isku ISIR, AF iyo dhaqanba ah.

Waxayna taasi astaan u tahay Xiddigta cad ee Bartamaha kaga taala calanka Soomaaliyeed oo ka tarjumeysa Jeceelkii uu u qabay Soomaali-weyn oo ay xiligaasi kala qeybsadeen Awoodihii Reer Yurub iyo Itoobiya.

Talyaaniga, Ingiriiska, Faransiiska iyo Itoobiya ayaa dalka Soomaaliya u kala qeybsaday shan qeybood oo kala ahaa:

1- Koonfurta Soomaaliya oo ah (Gobolada Puntland iyo inta kale ee kamid ah Bartamaha iyo Koonfurta dalka) xiligaasi gacanta ku hayey dalka Talyaaniga.

2- Waqooyi Galbeed oo uu hada ka dhisan yahay maamulka Somaliland, oo uu gacanta ku hayey Ingiriiska.

3- Soomaali Galbeed oo hadda Itoobiya ka tirsan tahay gacantana ugu jirta.

4- Waqooyi bari N.F.D oo hadda ka tirsan Kenya, xiligaasi ganacta ay ugu jirtay dowladda Ingiriiska.

5- Jabuuti oo xiligaasi gumeysanayey dowladda Faransiiska.

Midabka Calanka

Midibka CADAAN-ka wuxuu ku micneeyey nabadgalyo, BULUUGA-na wuxuu ku tilmaamay Barwaaqadda dalkeena uu leeyahay, BADA, CIRKA(Hawada) iyo DHULKA. Sidoo kale midabka Buluuga ayaa lagu tilmaamaa midabka BIYAHA oo ah Aasaaska Nolosha.

Soo Bandhigidii Calanka

Dr. Cabdulkadir Cali Bolay oo kamid ah dhalintii SYL ee dalka Soomaaliya usoo halgamay oo ka hadlayey Ninkii hindisay astaanta Calanka Soomaaliya ayaa wuxuu yiri:

Markii uu Maxamed Cawaale Liibaan uu u soo bandhigay ururka SYL iyo kuwa mucaaradka ah ba dood dheer ka dib waxaa la isku waafaqay Muxaafid iyo Mucaaridba Calanka uu soo bandhigay Maxamed Cawaale Libaan.

Hase yeeshee markii loo geeyey maamulkii Talyaaniga ayaa diiday oo ku tilmaamay inuu u egyahay Calanka dalka Zair sidaasi darteed aan la ogoleen calan dal leeyahay in la qaato.

Balse Maxamad Cawaale Liibaan wuxuu Talyaaniga u sheegay in labada calan aanay isku mid ahayn sababtoo ah Calanka (Zaire) xiddigta ku dhextaal waa mid DAHAB / Huruud ah, sidaasi darteed maamulkii waa ogolaaday in la qaato calanka buluug ah xiddigta cad dhexda kaga taala.

Halgan dheer ka dib ummadda soomaaliyeed waxay ku guuleysatay una suurta gashay in ay yeelato calan aad iyo aad u qurux badan , kaasoo ka tarjumaya jiritaanka iyo himiladda ummadda soomaaliyeed oo ah in la helo soomaali weyn oo mideysan “Pan Somalism”.

Calanka Qaranka Soomaaliyeed oo maanta 58 sano jirsaday, wuxuu ku yimid halgan adag oo loo soo galay, halgankaasoo ay hogaanka u hayeen dhallinyaraddii soomaaliyeed xisbigii SYL kuwaas ka soo horjeeday ama diidanaa gumeysiga iyo gumeysi kalkaalayaasha.

Taariikh Kooban

Waxaan jeclahay in aan si kooban u xuso halgankii gobonima-doonka Soomaaliyeed iyadoo maanta loo dabaal degayo 58 guuraddii astaanta calanka u ah Qaranimadda shacabka Soomaaliyeed.

Waxaana jeclahay dhallinyaradda qurbaha ku dhallatay iyo kuwa dagaalkii sokeeye ka dib dhashay ee ku nool dalka in ay fahmaan dhibaatadda xanuunka badan loo soo maray xornimadda maanta aynu haysano.

Runtii xornimadaasi kuma aysan imaanin si fudud balse waxaa loo soo maray halgan adag oo dhiig fara badan loo daadiyey, sidaasi darteed waxaa loo baahan yahay in dhallinyaradda maanta joogta in ay ku daydaan doorkii wax ku oolka ahaa ee dhallinyaraddii Soomaaliyeed ka soo qayb qaadatay xornimadda.

Dhallinyaro ka kooban 13, waxaa u suurta gashay markii ugu horeysey taariikhduna ahayd Bishii May 15, 1943-kii in ay abaabulaan urur dhallinyaro gobannimo-doon ah oo la magac-baxay S.Y.C Somali Youth Club oo aan siyaasi ahayn.

 

Xisbigii S.Y.C. ahaa wuxuu isku beddelay urur weyn oo siyaasi ah lana magac baxay S.Y.L. Somali Youth League, ururkaasi waxaa albaabadda loo furay taariikhdu markii ay ahayd May 15, 1947kii kaasoo go’aansaday halgan siyaasadeed oo gobannimo doon ah, sidii loo gaarsiin lahaa shacabka soomaaliyeed xornimo taam ah.

Waxaa xusid mudan 11.01.1948dii waxay ahayd maalin xamaasad weyn leh taasoo ahayd tii ugu xoog badneyd uguna caansaneyd, sababtoo ah waxaa dhacaayey gudoonkii Aayaha Ummadda Soomaaliyeed, Maanlintaasi oo ay dhaceen dagaalo ba’an oo ay ku dhinteen 52 Talyaani ah iyo kuwa kale.

Maalintaasi waxaa dalka ku sugnaa guddigii ka socday 4ta dowladdood ugu xoog weyn ee adduunka oo ku guuleystay dagaalkii labaad ee Addunka kan koobnaa, dowladda Mareynkanka Mr. Utter, dowladda Ingriiska Mr. Stafford, dowladda Ruushka Mr. Feodorof iyo dowladda Faransiiska Mr. Burin Des Rosier.

Guddigaasi oo ka socday 4tii dowladood waxaa u suurta gashay maalintii ay bishu ahayd 20kii Janaayo 1948 in ay la kulmaan xisbigii SYL iyo xisbigii HYC (Hamar Youth Club) oo ay isku mabada’ahaayeen ururka SYL iyo axsaabtii mucaadka ahayd oo ku bahoobay daladda “umbrella” la magac baxday Patriotic Beneficient. Kuwaasoo ka koobnaa todoba urur oo yar yar .

Guddigii markii ay dhageysteen doodihii faraha badanaa ee halkaasi laga soo jeediyey , waxaa u cadaatay in xisbiga SYL iyo HYC ay haystaan taageeradda shacabka Soomaaliyeed, taasoo ay la yaabeen qabkii iyo hanaankii ay u soo agaasimeen warbixinadaasi oo soo jiidatay guddigaasi, waxayna balan qaadeen in ay u gudbin doonaan Jamaciyadda Qaruumaha ka dhaxeysa.

Taariikhda markii ay ahayd Oktoober 12.10.1954kii shacabka soomaaliyeed u suurto gashay in ay hanato calanka buluuga ah ee sharafta badan oo aan maanta aanu ku fano. Abwaakii Cabdullahi Qarshe heestiisi calanka oo ah :

Qolobaa calankee
Kuwaa ceynoo, 
Innagaa keenu waa – Cirkoo kale’e
Ee aan Caadna-laheyn – Ee aan Caashaqee

Xiddig Yahee Cadibaa  – Naa-Ciidamisee
Caradaan Kaligaa Aadow Curatee
Adceeda Sideeda ee CAAN Noqo’ee

 

 

Waxaa Tariikhda Calanka iyo SYL soo diyaariyey Dr. Cabdulkadir Cali Bolay oo aan aad ugu mahadnaqeyno wakhtigiisa uu geliyey iyo taariikhda uu noo soo koobay.

Horseed Media waxay shacabka Soomaaliyeed la qeybsanaysaa xusida maalintan qiimahaleh iyo Taariikhdan u baahan in la xuso had iyo goor.

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